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Magasin a Poudre/Institute d' Honneur Visitors who enter Old Fort Niagara through the South Redoubt are first impressed with the French Castle, standing on the far side of the parade ground. Less noticed perhaps is the tall, almost windowless building to the left; the Powder Magazine. Erected in 1757, at the high water mark of French fortunes during the French and Indian War, the magazine today reminds us of France's far-flung North American empire at its zenith. It also stands as a monument to its designer, Captain Pierre Pouchot who created a structure that survived a desperate siege and was used for ammunition storage into the twentieth century. Powder magazines may not be the most interesting of structures, until something goes wrong. History is full of accounts of gunpowder supplies exploding with disastrous consequences. One of the earliest recorded incidents of accidental explosion occurred in 1280 when Mongols blew up a Chinese arsenal through carelessness. Erasmus described a devastating explosion in Basel, Switzerland in the early 16 th century and a powder supply in Delft, Holland exploded on October 12, 1654 destroying much of the city. In this last incident, about 40 tons of powder, stored in a magazine that formerly served as a Clarissen convent, blew up when the magazine's keeper, Cornelis Soetens, opened the door of the magazine to check a sample of the powder. Over a hundred people were killed and thousands injured. Luckily, many of the city's residents were away from home. The damage was portrayed by the artist Egbert van der Poel in his painting A View of Delft After the Explosion of 1654. The stakes were indeed high; one spark could wreck a fortress or town and kill half of its inhabitants. During late medieval times, gunpowder was often stored in towers located along a castle's outer perimeter. As the capabilities of artillery improved, the folly of this practice became obvious. During the sixteenth century, military engineers began to design specialized buildings to store gunpowder. These designs were gradually improved and somewhat standardized by the 18 th century. The safest place for a powder magazine was underground, in a chamber roofed with heavy beams and covered with a deep layer of earth. Mortar bombs and other incoming fire would spend itself harmlessly in the dirt and the garrison would live to fight another day. Most forts built in North America featured just this kind of magazine. 1 The disadvantage of underground magazines was dampness. Gunpowder that drew damp became little more than a useless sooty black paste. Above-ground storage was certainly a better option for keeping the powder dry, but such magazines were much more exposed to enemy fire. To compensate, they had to be built with thick stone walls, and arched ceilings to render them bombproof. During the seventeenth century, the preeminent military engineer of the age, Sebastien Le Prestre de Vauban (1633-1707) standardized magazine design in France. Vauban's designs were single-story stone buildings with thick walls, stone arched ceilings that were designed to withstand artillery fire, steep gabled roofs, and buttresses that strengthened the arch. Inside the building, raised wooden floors and wood-lined walls helped keep out the damp. Often, crushed stone or chips underlay the floor, further promoting a dry atmosphere. Perforated iron plates and masonry dice (baffles), set into the walls, allowed air into the magazine without exposing the building's contents to flying embers or sparks. Vauban's magazines were designed to house 45-60 tons of gunpowder. Examples of Vauban's work can be seen at Gravelines near Dunkirk, at Fort Barraux, near Grenoble, and on the Crozon Peninsula in Brittany. 2 Vauban's designs provided a valuable starting point for Captain Pierre Pouchot as he set out during the winter of 1756-57 to construct a new powder magazine at Fort Niagara. Pouchot had spent the winter of 1755 and the first half of 1756 at Fort Niagara erecting temporary barracks and constructing massive earthworks designed to withstand artillery fire. From this time he undoubtedly realized that the existing magazine at the west end of the French Castle was far too small to house the powder supply an expanded fort would need. After a brief sojourn at the siege of Oswego (see the March 2006 issue of Fortress Niagara), and a road building assignment at La Prairie, Pouchot returned to Fort Niagara in October 1756 to complete the transformation of the post. This time he was placed in command of the Fort, a post that had previously been reserved for officers of the colonial regulars (compagnies franches de la Marine), not regular army officers from France. On his journey to Niagara, he was accompanied by soldiers from three army regiments, his own Bearn Regiment, the Guienne Regiment, and the La Sarre Regiment. Pouchot sited his new powder magazine at the southern end of the enlarged fort, next to a newly built provisions storehouse. To make room for the magazine, he tore down a temporary barracks that had been constructed the year before. Pouchot probably imported the stone for the magazine from Cataraqui (Fort Frontenac) where modern Kingston, Ontario stands today. The stone was transported across Lake Ontario aboard a fleet of sailing vessels that France maintained on Lake Ontario. In addition to the magazine, Pouchot superintended the construction of new log barracks, storehouses, a forge, stable, hospital and church. In January 1757 he dispatched a report to the Marquis de Montcalm reporting progress on these buildings. Bitter cold however, retarded the work. Construction continued through the spring and summer months, and as of May, Montcalm recorded that the magazine at Fort Niagara was not yet finished. During this time, Pouchot had more on his mind than construction. Relations with Native allies from the Great Lakes and Midwest consumed much of his time as hundreds of warriors gathered at Niagara. Some came to form war parties to attack English settlements to the south, while others passed through on their way east to join the French Army in an attack on British Fort William Henry on Lake George. News of French victories the previous year had traveled fast and Ottawas, Ojibwas, Menominees, Potawatamies, Winnebagoes, Fox, Sauk, Miami, and even Iowa warriors now made their way to Fort Carillon (Ticonderoga) where the French Army assembled for its descent on Fort William Henry. Here, nearly 2,000 Native warriors gathered to support the French. Rumors that victors would be “swimming in brandy” and that Montcalm was willing to ransom prisoners motivated Native warriors to travel as far as 1,500 miles to participate in the battle. In all, 33 nations were represented, the largest assemblage of Native warriors ever to take the field to support the French cause. Many of the warriors traveling through Niagara from the west left their women and children at the Fort to be cared for while they took the field. 3 By September, 1757, Pouchot could report that Fort Niagara and its buildings were finished and its covered ways stockaded. His task completed, Pouchot was relieved of his command in October 1757. In his memoirs he wrote “Since this fort was a very considerable one, because of its position and the large number of Indians who had dealings there and came from all parts to trade and form war parties, it was soon coveted by all of the officers of the colony.” 4 Pouchot was relieved by Captain Jean Francois de Vassan of the colonial regular troops. The magazine Pouchot left behind was one of the largest in the colony, designed to hold up to 50 tons of gunpowder. The building's four-foot thick stone walls, earth covered arched ceiling, and steep gabled roof is strikingly similar to Vauban's standard designs that graced fortresses throughout France. Conspicuously missing from Pouchot's magazine, however, were the massive stone buttresses that Vauban used to strengthen the arched ceilings of his magazines. Whether these were omitted as a frontier expedient or through inexperience is not known. Regardless, Pouchot left the Fort with a substantial above-ground powder magazine that was capable of withstanding the artillery that British forces were likely to drag and float west from the Mohawk Valley. Inside the building, wooden racks extended from floor to ceiling, holding hundreds of powder casks, each of about 50 pounds capacity. In all, about fifty tons of gunpowder could be safely stored until needed. Ironically, much of the powder stored in the magazine during the final years of French occupation may have been British in origin, captured from General Edward Braddock or at the fall of Forts Oswego and William Henry. The question arises, why such a large magazine? The answer lies in the Fort's own need for a large powder supply and its role as a supply depot for other French posts in the upper Great Lakes and the Ohio Valley. By 1757 Fort Niagara was well armed with 30 pieces of artillery including twelve 12-pounders according to Captain Francois Marc-Antoine Le Mercier, commandant of artillery in New France. 5 In the event of a protracted siege, a large powder supply would be necessary, as subsequent events were to demonstrate. Fort Niagara also forwarded powder supplies to posts in the upper Great Lakes and in the Ohio Valley. A good supply of gunpowder was especially important at Fort Duquesne (Pittsburgh) not only to defend the Fort itself, but also to supply the numerous native warriors that frequented the post. In addition to some 250 soldiers, Fort Duquesne at times hosted up to 500 Native allies who carried out raids on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. During the course of the war, these raiding parties killed approximately 1,500 settlers, carried off 1,000 more as prisoners and drove even more from their homes. 6 To keep these warriors in the field, it was necessary to provide supplies, including gunpowder, most of which had to come through Fort Niagara. As Governor Vaudreuil explained in 1758: ...tis impossible to avoid the consumption of powder in war...there is no country where so much of it is consumed, both for hunting and distribution among the Indians; burning of powder is equally a passion among the Canadians, but I think we gain thereby in the day of battle, by the correctness of their aim in firing. 7 Fort Niagara's powder magazine's greatest test came two years after its construction when it endured the siege of 1759. Not only did the structure survive a week long bombardment by British artillery, it saw service disbursing an estimated 24 tons of powder in defense of the Fort. 8 A British inventory taken after the Fort's capture revealed that 15,000 pounds of bulk powder remained. Prior to surrendering the Fort, French officers were said to have locked personal valuables in the magazine to prevent their theft. 9 As the years passed a few changes were made to the building. Prior to the American Revolution, the British added a small entryway that survives today and added buttresses to the building exterior. These were removed in the mid-19 th century when windows and ventilation slits were also added. The building remained sound for ammunition storage into the twentieth century; as late as World War One, the United States Army stored ammunition in Pouchot's magazine. Perhaps the most infamous story surrounding the magazine is the incarceration there of William Morgan, an early nineteenth-century anti-Masonic activist. Morgan was imprisoned in the magazine just before his mysterious disappearance in 1826. Following its restoration between 1932 and 1934, the powder magazine served as an exhibit building, containing orientation exhibits. Restoration of the building was made possible through the generosity of Wallace I. Keep and the building was dedicated as L' Institut d' Honneur on October 5, 1935. Ironically, the plaque dedicating the building lists its builder as Captaine Francois Pouchot. With the opening of the Visitor Center in 2006, the building interior was cleared of exhibits and will be restored in 2007 to its 18 th century appearance through a special projects grant from the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development. Used as ammunition storage, a vault for valuables, a prison, and an exhibit gallery, the powder magazine's changing usefulness has allowed it to survive where many others have crumbled. Notes: 1 Travelers wishing to visit an underground magazine from this period can tour one at Fort Ligonier in Ligonier Pennsylvania. Photographs and drawings of this structure can be found in Charles Morse Stotz, Outposts of the War for Empire, (Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania, 2005) pp 172-175. 2 See Christopher Duffy, Fire and Stone: The Science of Fortress Warfare, 1660-1860 (Greenhill Books, London 1996) pp. 91-92. See also Paddy Griffith, The Vauban Fortifications of France (Osprey Publishing, Oxford, 2006). 3 See Ian Steele, Betrayals: Fort William Henry and the “Massacre” (Oxford University Press, 1990). 4 Pierre Pouchot Memoirs on the Late War In North America Between France and England, Brian Dunnigan, ed.(Old Fort Niagara Association Youngstown, NY 2004) p. 133 5 E. B. O'Callaghan ed. Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York : (15 vols.: Albany, 1856-1877), X, p. 656 6 See Matthew C. Ward, Breaking the Backcountry: The Seven Years War in Virginia and Pennsylvania. 1754-1765. (University of Pittsburgh Press 2003). 7 M. de Vaudreuil to M. de Massiac, Nov. 1, 1758. DRCHSNY v. X p. 863 . 8 Pouchot, Memoirs p. 237 9 Brian Leigh Dunnigan Siege-1759 The Campaign Against Niagara, (Old Fort Niagara Association, Youngstown, NY 1996) p. 106

After an absence of over 17 months, American troops re-occupied Fort Niagara on May 22, 1815. The Fort had been lost on the morning of December 19, 1813, and a British garrison occupied the post well past the cessation of hostilities at the close of the War of 1812. According to the Treaty of Ghent, signed on December 24, 1814 and ratified by the United States Senate on February 16, 1815, “all territory, places, and possessions whatsoever, taken by either party from the other…shall be restored without delay.” In the case of Fort Niagara, the reoccupation can be described as “protracted” rather than “without delay.” The Buffalo Gazette was one of the first papers to report the American repatriation. On May 23, 1815 the Gazette reported: Yesterday Fort Niagara was evacuated by the English and taken possession of by American troops. This event has been protracted to an unreasonable length, but we understand it is to be explained in this way: Major General Murray, [provisional Lt.] Governor of Upper Canada, sent a dispatch to Sacketts Harbor in April last, for Major General Brown, notifying the general that he was authorized and ready to deliver up Fort Niagara, according to treaty. This dispatch reached the harbor a few days after General Brown left that place for Washington. Mails now pass to Lewiston and will shortly be extended to the fort. Captain Craig of the artillery is assigned to the command of Fort Niagara. [i] Captain Craig’s 60-man detachment marched from Buffalo on May 21 and took possession of Fort Niagara at about 11:00 a.m. the next day. The Fort’s British garrison was prepared to hand over the Fort. In addition to writing to Brown, Murray notified British Major General de Watteville at Fort George of the impending transfer. [ii] Captain Henry K. Craig, was born at Fort Pitt, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania on March 7, 1791. He was educated at Pittsburgh and just after turning 21, was commissioned a lieutenant in the 2 nd U.S. Artillery. He fought at the capture of Fort George in May 1813 and at Stoney Creek in June. He advanced to Captain in December 1813 and in the spring of 1815, drew the assignment to reoccupy Fort Niagara. Henry K. Craig came by his military profession honestly as both parents had strong connections with the American army during the Revolution. Craig’s father, Isaac, was a distinguished artilleryman who had seen extensive service during the American Revolution. Isaac was born near Hillsborough in County Down Ireland in 1741 or 1742 (sources disagree). He was trained as a carpenter, but left Ireland for Philadelphia in the 1760s. When the American Revolution broke out in 1775, Isaac Craig received a State commission as Captain of Marines. In the closing days of 1776, he crossed the Delaware with Washington and fought in the battles of Trenton and Princeton. Isaac Craig joined the 4 th Continental Artillery Regiment in 1777 and fought at Brandywine and Germantown. He endured the difficult winter of 1777-1778 at Valley Forge and was then posted to the Washingtonburg laboratory at Carlisle, Pennsylvania to learn the art of ammunition preparation. In 1779 he accompanied the Sullivan-Clinton campaign into the country of the Six Nations. Isaac’s life changed in 1780 when he was ordered west of the Allegheny Mountains to support George Rogers Clark’s projected campaign against Detroit. Posted to Fort Pitt, Craig assisted Clark in preparing his expedition, then accompanied Clark to the falls of the Ohio. Craig returned to Fort Pitt when the expedition was cancelled due to lack of manpower and the decisive defeat of the expedition’s rearguard in August 1781 (by no less than Joseph Brant). From then on, except for brief periods, Isaac Craig remained in Pittsburgh for the rest of his life becoming a prominent merchant in the fledgling community. In 1791, about the time Henry was born, Isaac was appointed Deputy Quartermaster and Military Storekeeper at Pittsburgh. [iii] Henry Craig’s mother Amelia, also came from a military family. Her father was General John Neville who fought in the French and Indian War, Dunmore’s War and took command of Fort Pitt early in the Revolution. Still in Pittsburgh, Neville played a prominent role on the government side of the Whiskey Rebellion in 1794. Considering his parents’ background, it is little wonder that son Henry was named Henry Knox Craig after his father’s friend, Henry Knox, the former Continental Army chief of artillery and, in 1791, President Washington’s Secretary of War. Henry Knox Craig’s tenure at Fort Niagara did not last long, as Captain William Gates of the Corps of Artillery was ordered here in July 1815. In fact, five days before he marched to Fort Niagara, Craig was officially transferred to the light artillery. At 24 Craig still had a long career ahead of him. During the 1820’s he supervised lead mining operations in Missouri and Illinois and was promoted to major in 1832. Prior to the Mexican War he was assigned to the Ordnance Corps and served as Chief of Ordnance for General Zachary Taylor. Craig distinguished himself at the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma in May 1846 and was later brevetted Lt. Col. for “gallant and meritorious conduct.” Following the Mexican War, he served as inspector of arsenals from 1848 to 1851 then was appointed Chief of Ordnance with the rank of Colonel. The 1850s was a decade of retrenchment for the Army and Craig did his best to seek adequate funding for weaponry and munitions. He kept pace with developments in other countries and encouraged the testing of breech loading muskets as well as modified 12-pounder cannon. According to the U.S. Army Ordnance Corps, Craig was “regarded as an experienced, conscientious, and dedicated officer, although he held strong views and was sometimes acerbic with his subordinates.” [iv] With the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, Secretary of War Simon Cameron relieved the 70-year-old Craig of his duties, replacing him with “more vigorous leadership.” Craig took the matter of his replacement to President Lincoln but the commander-in-chief declined to intervene. About this same time, Craig’s youngest son, Lt. Presley Oldham Craig, who had also joined the artillery, was killed at the First Battle of Bull Run on July 21, 1861. Craig served another two years in an advisory capacity and finally retired in June 1863 after almost 50 years of military service. He died in Washington D.C. in 1869. [i] Buffalo Gazette, May 23, 1815 [ii] Major General Louis de Watteville to General Sir George Murray, May 23, 1815 [iii] See Papers of the War Department 1784-1800, http://wardepartmentpapers.org/blog/?p=1145 and John Trussell, The Pennsylvania Line, Regimental Organization and Operations, 1775-1783. pp.197-198. [iv] Colonel Henry K. Craig, Chief of Ordnance, 1851-1861, U.S. Army Ordnance Corps. www.goordnance.army.mil/history/chiefs/craig.html

Major George Armistead's name is indelibly linked with America's most famous flag; the Star Spangled Banner. What is more obscure is his connection with another preserved flag from the War of 1812 that currently hangs at Old Fort Niagara. Armistead was born in Caroline County, Virginia in 1780. He came from a military family and entered the United States Army in 1799 as an ensign. From 1801 to 1806 Armistead served as First Lieutenant and Assistant Military Agent at Fort Niagara. He arrived at the Fort September 1, 1801, assigned to Captain James Reid's Company, Second Regiment of Artillerists and Engineers. Throughout his career, Armistead liked big flags. Shortly after he arrived at Fort Niagara he discovered that the post had no national colors. The US had taken over Fort Niagara from the British in 1796. On August 11 of that year, American soldiers raised the new 15-star, 15-stripe flag on the garrison flagstaff located in the north bastion. Recently-landed six pounders roared out a 15-gun salute. Apparently these colors were not longer present in 1802, prompting Armistead to request the purchase of a 48-foot by 38 foot banner. This flag was of the pattern established by Congress in flag legislation of 1795 including one star and one stripe for each state in the Union. Armistead did not care for Fort Niagara's harsh winters and took extended furloughs during the winter months to visit relatives in Dumfries, VA. In 1806 Armistead was assigned to the Arkansas Territory and then in 1809 was promoted to Captain and transferred to Fort McHenry on the Patapsco River in Baltimore. He returned to Fort Niagara in the Spring of 1813 as a Major in the 3rd Regiment of Artillery. During his short stay at Fort Niagara, he almost certainly saw another garrison color flying over the Fort. This one, measured at least 22 by 28 feet, a little smaller than the 48' by 38' foot flag requested by Armistead in 1802. At Fort Niagara, on May 27, 1813, Armistead distinguished himself at the bombardment and capture of Fort George, a British-held post across the river in Canada.. General Henry Dearborn reported to the Secretary of War “I am greatly indebted to Colonel Porter, Major Armistead and Captain Totten for their judicious arrangements and skillful execution in demolishing the enemies fort and batteries, and to the officers of the artillery.” For his distinguished service, Armistead was given the honor of carrying British battle flags captured in the fall of Fort George to Washington for presentation to President Madison. On June 27, 1813, while in Washington, Armistead received orders to take command of Fort McHenry in Baltimore Harbor. Shortly after his arrival he wrote, “We, sir, are ready at Fort McHenry to defend Baltimore against invading by the enemy. That is to say, we are ready except we have no suitable ensign to display over the Fort, and it is my desire to have a flag so large that the British will have no difficulty in seeing it from a distance.” As a result, what we call today the Star Spangled Banner was made under government contract in the summer of 1813 by professional flag maker Mary Pickergill and members of her family. The flag measured 30 feet by 42 feet. During the Battle of Baltimore September 12-14, 1814, British ships bombarded Fort McHenry for 25 hours. When Armistead's flag of defiance appeared at dawn, showing that the Americans still possessed the fortress that blocked British ships from Baltimore Harbor, Francis Scott Key was prompted to write “The Star Spangled Banner” a poem that was eventually set to music and became our national anthem. Armistead was soon promoted by President Madison to the rank of Lt. Colonel and given possession of the garrison flag. The Banner remained in the family's possession until turned over to the Smithsonian Institution in 1907. He remained in command of Fort McHenry until his death in 1818. Ironically that same year, new flag legislation made 15-star, 15 stripe flags obsolete. What of the Fort Niagara flag, the banner that Armistead no doubt saw just before leaving for Washington and his new assignment as commandant of Fort McHenry? On the night of December 18-19 1813, a 562-man British force crossed the Niagara River and captured Fort Niagara and the garrison flag. The captured flag was sent to London where it was laid at the feet of His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, later King George IV. Soon after it was sent to the home of Sir Gordon Drummond, commander of British forces in upper Canada. Here it remained and was damaged by fire in 1969. In the early 1990s the Old Fort Niagara Association purchased the flag and returned it to western New York. For the first time in 2006, it was placed on permanent public display in a new Visitor Center. The Fort Niagara flag is an older sister the more famous Star Spangled Banner. It is one of only about 20 known surviving examples of the Stars and Stripes dating before 1815 and is one of the best documented of these early flags. The Fort Niagara War of 1812 flag and its more famous sister, the Star Spangled Banner, are linked through the personage of Major George Armistead, a brave officer who stood in defense of his country on more than one occasion.

Beginning in the fall of 1778, there are several references to the construction of housing for Loyalist and Native refugees. The Fort’s commandant, Col. Mason Bolton, insisted that billeting inside the Fort be reserved for regular troops. As Col. Butler’s Corps of Rangers returned to Niagara after the 1778 campaign, the need to construct housing for them became acute. Initially, the rangers were issued tents, but this proved inadequate for sheltering the men against Niagara’s winter weather. In July, Governor General Frederick Haldimand, who was stationed in Quebec, wrote to Bolton: I send him (Captain Robert Matthews) up to you…and as your garrison will be reinforced in autumn, he may be employed in erecting such additional log houses as may be necessary for their (the rangers’) lodging. Construction of the Ranger barracks was originally begun on the Bottoms below the Fort. This site proved unsatisfactory as represented in this letter from Walter Butler: On Captain Butler’s arrival from Canada the latter of August 78 (Major Butler having arrived but a few days before from the Indian Country in a very ill state of health) he found a Barrack in building and the frame nearly ready to be put up, which Col. Bolton told him was to be a Barrack for the Rangers: on finding the place very ill situated for quarters whether for officers or men and out of the Fort, in the Bottom, where in Fall and Spring there is half a leg deep of water and mud, and not more ground than to erect one Barrack which was not sufficient Quarters for the officers: and even were there ground sufficient such a situation no officer could be answerable for his Men: In justice to the service from the place being open to Indians day and night, and they constantly drinking, and often very troublesome, whence unhappy consequences might arrive, from such a number of men mixt with them: For those reasons Captain Butler waited on Major Butler, and tho he was very sick, represented those matters to him. Finally the decision was made to move the rangers to the west side of the Niagara River. In November, Bolton wrote to Haldimand, Major Butler is building Barracks for the Rangers on the opposite side of the river and Captain Matthews is employed in cutting a strong log house (which will contain 40 or 50 men) at the Upper Landing and we are also at work with the additional Log Houses for this Garrison agreeable to Your Excellency’s orders. In addition to these log barracks, Col. Bolton refers specifically to log houses for Native families at the Bottoms. On November 11, 1778, Bolton wrote: On Niagara side not having boards for officer floors and if Capt. Butler were not greatly mistaken, the artificers employed in repairing said barracks and putting in order the log houses in the bottom for several Indian families were paid in the Ranger Barracks acct. The tents of the Rangers going into barracks were given to a number of the Indians who came in to Receive his Majesty’s Bounty to cover them from the weather and have never been returned.

The Events of July 1759

Celebrating King George III's Birthday in 1772

An account of the Battle of La Belle Famille, published in the Pennsylvania Gazette, August 1759 Saturday Afternoon an Express arrived in Town from Albany, which Place he left about Six o’Clock on Thursday Morning, with the following agreeable News, which was brought to Albany a few Hours before, from Sir William Johnson, at Niagara, viz. That on the 24th of July, as Sir William Johnson lay before the Fort of Niagara, with the Forces under his Command, besieging it, he received Intelligence by a Party of his Indians that were sent out on a Scout, that there was a large Body of French and Indians coming from Venango, as a Reinforcement to the Garrison of Niagara. General Johnson thereupon ordered 60 chosen Men from the 44th and 46th Regiments, 100 New York Provincials, and 600 Mohawks, Senecas &c. to march immediately, and Way-lay them, which they accordingly did, and threw up a Breast-work at a Place where they knew the French must pass by on their Way to the Fort, and sent a Battoe with 10 or 12 Men down the River a little Way, to fire when the Enemy were near at Hand, which would give them Warning to prepare themselves for the Reception, and in short Time after their Breast-work was finished, they heard the Alarm given by the Battoe that was sent forward, on which they all prepared themselves to receive the Enemy, each Man having two Balls and three Buck-Shot in his Gun, and were squatted. However, the Enemy perceived them in their Intrenchment, and fired six Times on them before our People returned their Fire; but as soon as the Enemy came close, all the English rose up and discharged their Pieces, which made the utmost Slaughter imaginable among them, and repeated their Fire three Times, when the Enemy’s Indians that were left alive, left them; immediately upon which our People jumped over their Breast-work, and flew on the Enemy Sword in Hand, still continuing to make great Slaughter among them, & took 120 Prisoners, among which were 7 Officers some of which are of Distinction, with their chief commander. The Havok we made at the End was great, 500 of the Enemy at least being left on the field of Battle. Those that could made their Escape, and went down the River. Upon the Return of our Troops to General Johnson with the Prisoners, he immediately sent a Flag of Truce in to the Commander of the Fort, and demanded a surrender, telling him of the Defeat of the Reinforcement he expected; but the French Commandant would not give Credit to what General Johnson said, till he had sent a Flag of Truce with a Drum, in to our Camp, and found it but too true; and immediately on the Officer’s Return to the Fort, the French Commander offered to capitulate, provided General Johnson would permit the Garrison to march out with all the Honours of War, which was agreed to; but that they must immediately, upon their coming out, lay down their Arms, and surrender themselves, which they accordingly did; and General Johnson took Possession of the Fort directly after. The Garrison consisted of 607 Men, among which were 16 Officers, 7 of which were Captains, besides the Chief Commander, and we hear they were shortly, after their Surrender, embarked on board Battoes, and sent up to Oswego, and from thence were to be sent down to New-York, and may be expected here every Day. The number of our killed and wounded in the Defeat of the Reinforcement from Venango, we cannot as yet justly ascertain, but there were five of the New-Yorkers among the Slain in that Affair. It is said we had not lost 40 Men in the Whole, since the Landing of the Troops at Niagara. The Indians were allowed all the Plunder in the Fort, and found a vast Quantity of it, some say to the Value of 300£ a Man. The Fort, it is said, is large enough to contain 1000 fighting Men, without Inconvenience; all the Buildings in and about it are standing, and in good Order; and it is thought, had our Forces stormed the Place (which was intended) they would have met with a warm Reception; and beating the Venango Party, will undoubtedly crown with laurels the ever deserving Johnson. Niagara, July 25, 1759 Yesterday Morning a Party of French and Indians consisting of 1500, of which 400 were Indians, about Eight o’Clock came upon our right, where a Breast-work was thrown up, as we had Intelligence of their coming and as ten of our People were crossing the Lake above they began to fire on them, which gave our People time to get all their Pickets, the 46th Regiment, Part of the 44th, 100 New-Yorkers, and 600 Indians, ready to oppose them. We waited, and received their Fire five or six Times, before our People returned it, which they did at about 30 Yards Distance, then jumped over their Breast-Work, and closed in with them, upon which they immediately gave Way and broke, their Indians left them and for a While we made a vast Slaughter. The Whole being defeated, the Prisoners were brought in, among which were about 16 or 17 Officers, several of Distinction, and about 60 or 70 Men; the whole Field was covered with their Dead. After the General took the Names of all the Officers taken, he sent Major Harvey, by the Desire of Mons. Aubrey, the Commanding Officer of the whole Party, to the Commanding Officer of the Fort, who disputed his having them, and kept Major Harvey in the Fort, and sent an Officer to the General; when they found it was true, and all their Succours cut off, they began to treat on Conditions of Surrender, which continued till near 8 o’Clock in the Evening before they were concluded; however our Grenadiers, with the Train, marched in this Morning, and the whole Garrison was surrendered to Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, who succeeded to the Command after the Death of General PRIDEAUX. The Ordnance Store found in the fort at Niagara when General Johnson took Possession of it, were two 14 Pounders; nineteen 12 Pounders; one 11 Pounder; seven 8 Pounders; seven 6 Pounders; two 4 Pounders; five 2 Pounders; all Iron; 1500 Round 12 Pound Shot; 40,000 Pound of Musket Ball; 200 Weight of Match; 500 Hand Grenades; 2 Cohorns, and 2 Mortars, mounted; 300 Hand Bills; 500 Hand Hatchets; 100 Axes; 300 Shovels; 400 Pick Axes; 250 Mattocks [Hoes]; 54 Spades; 12 Whipsaws; and a considerable Number of Small Arms, Swords, Tomahawks, Scalping Knives, Cartouche-boxes, &c.